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Veröffentlicht Lasse Franken | Donnerstag, 7. Dezember 2017

At the initial stages, reconstituting the democratic structures involved the use of appointive and co-optive methods that guaranteed that a significant element of the opposition was brought on board. In societies where the legitimacy of the state is not yet settled and the territory is still contested, as in many African states, elite fragmentation could threaten the survival of the political space as a single entity. However, periodic elections as a mechanism for determining who was to exercise power soon fell out of favour with several post-independence governments.

Intra-state violence was a prominent feature of the African political landscape which confirmed the thesis of those honest advocates of single party system as a solution to the political, ethnic, cultural, social, religious and other cleavages in the various African societies. Democracy cannot be held in abeyance in perpetuity while countries seek to consolidate their national political spaces; it might be that in the Ugandan experiment, Africa has finally discovered the starting point of the journey to democratic consolidation and popular empowerment. There is only little access to education, health services are poor and the people have only the most minimal access to safe water, sanitary facilities or even leisure. Little thought is given to popular empowerment. If as we believe, the ability to choose is crucial to the operation of any proper democratic system, it would be difficult to describe what has happened in most African states in recent years as exercises in democracy. The literature on democracy and democratization confirm that the two processes could be highly disruptive as they encourage existing conflicts in a state to manifest freely.

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The basic premise of modern democracy is the belief that every sane adult is entitled to an equal say in the conduct of public affairs. With the exception of Milton Obote who regained power in the December elections, all who took power resorted to the use of force. Many African states today still confront various internal challenges to their legitimacy, even in those places that are not overly disintegrated.

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Sadly, the circumstances that paved the way for the propagation of the single party gospel are still present in most African states today. Most states are unable to offer even the most basic services to their people. At the violent end of the scale, many states have confronted rebellion, insurrection, revolt and outright civil wars. Democracy cannot be held in abeyance in perpetuity while countries seek to consolidate their national political spaces; it might be that in the Ugandan experiment, Africa has finally discovered the starting point of the journey to democratic consolidation and popular empowerment. However, there is a need to engender in the people a sense of belonging and making the citizens to develop a stake in the political space as presently constituted.

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A clear example is Somalia where fragmentation of the political space has already accompanied elite fragmentation. There is no real attempt to dismantle the inherently repressive and anti-democratic state structure which was first put in place during the period of colonial rule. Museveni considers the achievement of national consensus a prerequisite for building an enduring democratic structure. In the post-independence era, several African states have witnessed serious threats to their national cohesion and have confronted great challenges to their sovereign status.

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There is only little access to education, health services are poor and the people have only the most minimal access to safe water, sanitary facilities or even leisure. If as we believe, the ability to choose is crucial to the operation of any proper democratic system, it would be difficult to describe what has happened in most African states in recent years as exercises in democracy. One thing comes out clearly though: Subsequent regimes were virtually unable to recreate the civilian institutions of rule and could only maintain order through reliance on the military.

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Sadly, the circumstances that paved the way for the propagation of the single party gospel are still present in most African states today. Thus, for the majority of the people the test of a functioning democratic system is not in the mere ability to exercise the franchise once every four, five or even seven years, but in how the operation of government affect their daily lives. Those national leaders who opted for one party rule premised their choice on the imperatives of national integration given the dangerous ethnic and social cleavages that pervaded the political and social landscapes of their various societies.

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Until the legitimacy of the state as constituted is fully recognized by all segments, attempting to introduce competitive elections would only encourage fissiparous tendencies latent in most societies. Unfortunately the experience of the post-cold war era has not encouraged much confidence in the adoption of pluralist multi-party political systems in the democratizing states. Too much premium has been placed on multi-party elections and questions have not been raised about the character of the post-colonial state in Africa.

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In a number of states notably Nyerere's Tanzania, the adoption of a single party system was indeed an honest attempt to address a potentially dangerous situation. Sadly, the circumstances that paved the way for the propagation of the single party gospel are still present in most African states today. If as we believe, the ability to choose is crucial to the operation of any proper democratic system, it would be difficult to describe what has happened in most African states in recent years as exercises in democracy.

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It is this that will encourage citizens to identify with and develop a stake in the survival of the system. Too much premium has been placed on multi-party elections and questions have not been raised about the character of the post-colonial state in Africa. Thus, whether a single or multi-party system is adopted, what is important is that the mode of governance should not exclude the spirit of democracy: But elite fragmentation could assume dangerous proportions such as could occasion the demise of the state especially when elite fragments seek to fragment the political arena in order to secure control of the parts.

At the initial stages, reconstituting the democratic structures involved the use of appointive and co-optive methods that guaranteed that a significant element of the opposition was brought on board. While Africa is groping to find an enduring political system, we believe that neither the problem nor the answer lies in either a single or multi-party system of government. Subsequent regimes were virtually unable to recreate the civilian institutions of rule and could only maintain order through reliance on the military. The only exceptions were the Portuguese territories of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea Bissau where the colonial masters were forced to beat a retreat after protracted armed struggle for independence. The RCs subsequently provided the testing ground for Museveni's no party democracy, which was his own way of incorporating all forces, irrespective of past political affiliation, into the structures of the NRM, and his antidote to conflicts within the political system.

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The practice of politics in Africa's post-colonial state where the exercise of power is little more than a pursuit of primitive accumulation does nothing to enhance the situation either. In the period between March and January several groups vied for control of power. However, there is a need to engender in the people a sense of belonging and making the citizens to develop a stake in the political space as presently constituted. In societies where the legitimacy of the state is not yet settled and the territory is still contested, as in many African states, elite fragmentation could threaten the survival of the political space as a single entity. Sadly, the circumstances that paved the way for the propagation of the single party gospel are still present in most African states today. With the exception of Milton Obote who regained power in the December elections, all who took power resorted to the use of force.

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In societies where the legitimacy of the state is not yet settled and the territory is still contested, as in many African states, elite fragmentation could threaten the survival of the political space as a single entity. The basic premise of modern democracy is the belief that every sane adult is entitled to an equal say in the conduct of public affairs. This, he believes, would facilitate the entrenchment of norms of accountability, respect for public office, and competition into the political culture. Until the legitimacy of the state as constituted is fully recognized by all segments, attempting to introduce competitive elections would only encourage fissiparous tendencies latent in most societies. The RCs evolved gradually into administrative structures employed for the purpose of state control and political mobilization.

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Elections -- even the pretense of it in one party states -- became a luxury which trends bent on autocratic tendencies could not contemplate. The only exceptions were the Portuguese territories of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea Bissau where the colonial masters were forced to beat a retreat after protracted armed struggle for independence. But elite fragmentation could assume dangerous proportions such as could occasion the demise of the state especially when elite fragments seek to fragment the political arena in order to secure control of the parts. The practice of politics in Africa's post-colonial state where the exercise of power is little more than a pursuit of primitive accumulation does nothing to enhance the situation either. At the initial stages, reconstituting the democratic structures involved the use of appointive and co-optive methods that guaranteed that a significant element of the opposition was brought on board. The emerging structure in Uganda, the no party democracy may not be qualitatively different from a one party system designed in the mould of such great African patriots as Julius Nyerere.

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If as we believe, the ability to choose is crucial to the operation of any proper democratic system, it would be difficult to describe what has happened in most African states in recent years as exercises in democracy. The RCs evolved gradually into administrative structures employed for the purpose of state control and political mobilization. The liberation of Uganda from Amin's rule in March had ended a long phase of brutality in Ugandan politics without resolving the underlying questions of the means and ends of reconstituting state power. This, he believes, would facilitate the entrenchment of norms of accountability, respect for public office, and competition into the political culture. Until the legitimacy of the state as constituted is fully recognized by all segments, attempting to introduce competitive elections would only encourage fissiparous tendencies latent in most societies. The liberation of Uganda from Amin's rule in March had ended a long phase of brutality in Ugandan politics without resolving the underlying questions of the means and ends of reconstituting state power.

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